Interview ahmed nagi barbara benini internazionale 2011 zuni

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Rivoluzione, atto primo. Speranze e pericoli del dopo Mubarak

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Sisi, Do Not Put Our Backs against the Wall

 

Many assume that a revolution or a mass political uprising, here meaning a broad initiative to topple a government through various means of protest, is simply an act of will. I know of no particular reason for the prevalence of this assumption. For some, it may be a kind of bragging meant to reflect a brave self-image. It may also be a consequence of how the media presents events, reducing them to clichés along the lines of “then the Egyptians went out to remove the tyrannical regime and save Egypt.”

Even though I experienced what they try to describe in such ways, I still find myself trying to imagine something that fits their language. Every time, an absurd image, like something out of an animated movie, forms in my head—something that marks the moment the people decided to stage a revolution or to remove the government and toss it aside. These ideas and doubts cross my mind whenever I hear statements like “people need a break” or “people are just exhausted now.” It gets me wondering when people in general, and the hardworking, downtrodden Egyptian people in particular, were ever at rest or not “exhausted.”

Those who say “people are exhausted now” imagine that mass uprising are an act of luxury, as if people go out to protest or get into politics as a form of entertainment in their free time. Most stereotypical, they conjure in the minds someone whose hobbies include Facebook and going to protests. I, on the other hand, believe that people move when they are tired or when the government fails them. They also move when a regime exhausts its own tyrannical structure and causes it to collapse, as was the case on January 28, 2011. Finally, and perhaps most reliably, people move when they get cornered—when their backs are against the wall.

The current Egyptian regime, like those in most Arab Spring countries, is dealing with its people in the same way that Israel has dealt with the Palestinian issue—cornering the other side in restrictive duality. Here, the new duality involves the illusion of security in return for accepting tyranny and the abuse of rights and freedoms. Field Marshal (or President, as we still do not know which title he would prefer) Sisi even said as much in his television interviews, remarking that the state and its security and future are more important than rights and freedoms. This makes for a miserably degrading situation that will only become more miserable when everyone realizes that Sisi is not able to deliver.

This failure to deliver will not even hinge on the broader promise of safety and security for you or your neighbors or your daughter who gets harassed walking down the street. Sisi’s promises of safety and security are only for state institutions—for Sisi, their buildings and personnel are Egypt, and their security is the country’s security. Consequently, everyone else will be pushed back against the wall—worse, we may all end up facing the wall, hands in the air.

With the law regulating Parliament now emerging from the government, it is clear that another opportunity to corner and contain people is coming. Regardless of the details, Sisi will face the challenge of attempting to coordinate the composition of the new parliament through the elections process.

When thinking of crafting a parliament, we ought to raise our hands in prayer for the soul of Kamal al-Shazli. He was the master of balancing elections and competing powerbases. His last great achievement came in 2005, when he, Mofid Shehab, and the cavalry of the old regime formed a parliament that lasted an entire five-year term. It was a show of power, but not force—it was not a display of strength against people or cornering them. It was rather, as Adaweya immortalized in song, a case of “you let go and so will I.” The crafting of such a Parliament in Egypt requires following a recipe that gratifies the inter-related businesses, families, and support networks that form the spectrum of Egyptian society.

In the 2010 Parliament, Mubarak depended on Ahmed Ezz, who did not know how the recipe went. He decided to run the show using the philosophy of “survival of the fittest and power to the strongest.” The result was that he cornered a lot of people, leaving them no options and no way to interact with the existing system. The result? Seeing them kicking and screaming all the way to January 25.

Now, in his meetings with political parties as a presidential candidate, Sisi was on the attack, asking them where the youth were and why they were not in leadership. Meanwhile, the youth of which he spoke are in prison, with the number of arrests after the blessed June 30 revolution reaching 40,000. Sisi is not even partial towards any of the parties that support him, all of which represent networks of mutual benefit, society groups, and businessmen who see in themselves the people behind June 30 and the cheerleaders who pressed Sisi to gallantly agree to become president. They all await the parliamentary elections to participate in the ruling class and reap the benefits that it offers. Sisi, however, is offering no promises. It is clear that he does not have the capable people or the political backing that would enable him to cook up the correct recipe for the upcoming parliament.

Meanwhile, Sisi is demanding that businessmen provide a 100 billion EGP fund for various projects. After his meeting with them, a number of businessmen publicly announced plans to liquidate their businesses and leave the country. Others quietly and discreetly started moving their money abroad. A third group had the courage to reply openly, telling Sisi, “We have been paying since June 30.” His reply, according to newspapers, was “And Egypt has paid you back manifold.” The problem is not whether the businessmen will eventually pay or not; rather, the problem is whether the payment will be legal and according to a clear economic vision or whether it will be through force or intimidation (perhaps featuring the hoarse voice that Sisi uses when he wants to appear scary).

Sisi currently has no allies other than the institutions of the state and a media apparatus the weaknesses of which were revealed during the elections. The media’s behavior during the elections may even have required a bit of strong-arming of the businessmen who own the TV stations, newspapers, and related websites. On his own, Sisi is evidently refusing to take the hands extended towards him, and he is in turn refusing to extend his hand to others. He is cornering everyone already— pushing them against the wall—starting with the youth and extending all the way to those seeking political and economic power. It is as if he seeks to rule Egypt all by himself—the question is, though, can he hold everything together on his own?”

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The Duality of Israel in Egypt’s Political Discourse

Several years ago, an intellectual in his 60s spoke to me of his ardent stance against normalization with Israel. The only time he encountered Israelis was in the early 1980s when he sat alone at a table in the downtown Cairo café, Groppi. The waiter asked him if two foreigners could sit next to him since all the tables were occupied. As soon as they sat down, they took out their Israeli passports and placed them on the table.

يوسف القعيد

يوسف القعيد

The man told me at the time, “I felt my blood boil, so I asked for the check and left immediately.” I was unable to understand the story and was completely taken aback by his position. How could I leave my table because of someone else, and consider that a victory? I tried to explain to him that surely he had other options, however his justification, to which he held fast, was: “I was unable to speak to or hold any kind of discussion with a Zionist.”

A similar situation happened when Muslim Brotherhood leader Helmy al-Gazzar was invited to Washington DC to participate in a conference hosted by the Washington Institution for Near East Policy. When Gazzar arrived in Washington DC, he disappeared, failing to show up for his panel. A narrative later emerged after Gazzar’s return to Cairo. Gazzar claimed he had paid for his accommodation, and swiftly left Washington upon learning that Israelis were participating in the conference, despite prior stipulation that he would not participate in any events with Israeli panelists. WINEP countered his claim, saying that the organization paid for his airfare and accommodation, and that no such stipulation had been made.

The same intellectual now writes daily articles attacking the Brotherhood and its policies with which he differs. However ‘Zionist-phobia’ is a common denominator between the two. In fact, this phobia unites all figures from the Egyptian elite regardless of their inclinations, but at the same time they proclaim their support for complete and just peace.

This phobia of a Zionist entity is not limited to prominent political figures, but extends also to young activists who were raised surrounded by these emotionally charged messages. For this reason, similar incidents like the one that occurred with Samira Ibrahim recently will continue to repeat themselves. Ibrahim made headlines when she was to receive a State Department award for courage after accusing the military for performing invasive ‘virginity tests’ on her and her fellow female protesters. The headlines, however, focused on a series of tweets she had posted, one of which welcomed a terrorist attack on Israelis in Bulgaria. Cursing Israel and Jews and demanding Jihad are staples of a prevailing emotional Egyptian political discourse. When a young activist is nominated for an award from the West, the press discovers these anti-Israeli declarations and a cycle of evidence and denials begins. Contradictions emerge between what the activists say locally and what they say abroad.

This confusion and opacity surrounding the Egyptian political elites’ stances and the inability to distinguish between political normalization and folly leaves dealing with Israeli policies akin to fighting an ill-defined specter. It is as if refraining from dealing with the outside world and retreating from the presence of the Israeli flag becomes a necessity. This perplexity is the result of the Egyptian political elite’s lack of a clear and firm stance regarding the Palestinian cause and the absence of any real and realistic discussion of this issue. Most prefer to rely on emotional one-upmanship.

صورة قديمة من غزة حينما كانت تحت الحماية المصرية

صورة قديمة من غزة حينما كانت تحت الحماية المصرية

When a member of the political elite is faced with a clear-cut question regarding their vision for a lasting solution to the Palestinian plight, they answer as though they think their words are coming directly from the Palestinian people themselves. When you ask which Palestinian people are deciding: those trapped behind the walls of a blockade in Gaza, those living in the West Bank under the sponsorship of the European Union, or those living as refugees in various countries, you will receive nothing more than clichés about reconciliation and Palestinian unity from these political leaders.

While the political one-upmanship continues along with hypocrisy and emotional speeches, official relations and security coordination continue in secret. Likewise, hypocrisy and double standards persist in all things related to the Palestinian issue. Israel, for its part has adapted to this situation, and does not seek normalization or formal relations. Rather, it prefers to continue to play the role of the secret lover, running to hide in the closet when the lights are switched on. Because of all of this, we continue to suffer from disorientation and the inability to even declare a clear position when Israel launches an airstrike on Bashar al-Assad’s forces. We lost the compass long ago and now all we have is a powerful throat enabling us to scream, and play the one-upmanship game ad-nauseum.

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A Sad Melody at the End of the Road

The time for retreat is past and all the chances to avoid this path have been burned up. The incendiary speeches are escalating from every side and are morphing from incitement to war speeches. The television stations put up the slogan “Egypt is fighting terrorism” written in English and no one tells us who and what terrorism we are fighting? Are they Al-Qaeda? Ansar al-Sharia? The Al-Nusra Front? The Brotherhood? A little of this and a little of that?

We don’t know, and the soldier who is only twenty-one years old doesn’t know, but he obeys the orders of the gunman who directs him to get out of the bus so that he can be executed from behind. Likewise, someone else is led to the hearse, better known as the police truck, to die of asphyxiation.

No one stops to ask questions or demand accountability. War has its rules, but civil war falls outside the rules and the ethics of opposing armies. Civil war has its own clear goals, and they are usually ethnic cleansing and the siege of one faction or group. This always fails. For proof you can look around yourself or in history books, or look at the performance of the Egyptian military state since July 23, 2026 to confirm for yourself that prison and prohibition have never been useful in eliminating the Brotherhood or other supporters of religious despotism.

Why, then, do we repeat the same mistakes that were made thirty years ago when Islamist groups were first released from Pandora’s box in the seventies?

The same old story that happened in the seventies is being played out right now. The military power in the seventies used the Islamist groups to get rid of the remains of Nasserism and the revolutionary left and, once it had accomplished that, the Islamist groups became a danger to this military power and it decided to take them on by force. Throughout the eighties and the nineties we saw how the state fought with unparalleled failure. The same story is being repeated by the military council and the security apparatus who refuse to try any other approach, and if anyone opposes their approach, the result is accusations of treason.

The state did not adopt any program against the ideology of religious despotism. Instead, it exploited this ideology, working to stay one step ahead of the Islamists. The most obvious evidence of this is the second article of the constitution, which Sadat put into place as part of this exploitation. In the same way, the civil state constitution will be written, under the presidency of Adly Mansour, with its sectarian articles and their comprehensive sources.

At the same time, the state left room for a faction of the Islamists to participate in the political process, run in elections, and share in power. In the eighties, this faction was the Brotherhood and now it appears that it’s the Salafi’s turn. It’s obvious that Dr. Yasser Al-Burhami is sitting back confidently waiting to gather the spoils.

In the eighties a large group of intellectuals, writers, and artists joined the state’s battle. At that time, the slogan was enlightenment fighting the forces of darkness. This proposed option of enlightenment was nothing more than a group of theses on renewing the religious discourse and leaving everything to a deeply corrupt regime without a position or a message. Now, some people are using slogans about fighting religious fascism or accepting the authority’s oppression and violence because it is the only way to stop religious violence. But in the morgue, clothes are removed from the bodies and it becomes difficult to tell the soldiers from those who are called “terrorists” or from people who were just passing by at the time of the clashes. Even more importantly, the path that the current authorities are on has no indication of leading us over this ocean of blood to a civil state in which citizenship and equality are achieved. The committee that is working on amending the constitution decided to keep the sectarian articles that restrict citizens’ freedom of belief. Not only that, but the committee added, on the suggestions of some, an article to protect the office of the president of Egypt from protests, as though an article in the constitution could protect the president or any authority from the public’s anger.

Fighting terrorism or groups devoted to religious despotism is not a battle that we can win by liberating a piece of land or killing and arresting the largest possible number of people. It is, fundamentally, a battle of ideas and of a way of life that the Egyptian middle class chose to defend on July 30. Accepting the authority’s violence and illegal violations, and the nonsense that is taking place right now vis-à-vis the constitution means complete defeat in the battle against “terrorism” even if the Brotherhood’s Supreme Guide and the entire Guidance Office is arrested.

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A Lesson in the Dangers of Book Burning

Get me out from here

Get me out from here

Our family has a long history of disposing of books in various ways. As a boy in Egypt, I remember the regular routine when, every so often, my father would open the cupboards and drawers and arrange his books, magazines, and notebooks. Most dear to him were the notebooks which contained his commentary and notes on dozens of books, most of them concerning Sufism, Islamic exigency, and political Islam, in addition to the writings of Sayyid Qutb, Hassan al-Banna, and various other Islamist leaders.

He arranged the books into bundles and then distributed them in various secret hiding places. Some were concealed in boxes on the roof next to the chicken coop. Others were left in the care of close relatives who did not take part in any political activities. Other books, the presence of which he believed jeopardized his and his family’s security, were burned. Assured he could attain other copies, these books would be thoroughly burned and their ashes discretely disposed of.

As a boy I did not take notice of this practice nor did I understand it, yet the ritual of collecting books and papers and setting them ablaze on the roof was seared into my memory forever. When I would ask my mother about it, she would fumble for the right words to explain to her child the politics at play, saying: “These books contain verses from the Qur’an and passages of our Lord and cannot be dumped in the waste, so it is best they are burned.”

My grandfather, who had been a security guard at a local factory, also had a huge library to his name. My father told me that there had been a time when my grandfather could not afford to buy a bed, so he piled together astronomy textbooks and poems of Ahmed Shawki—which he had memorized by heart—and made beds of them for his children sleep to on. However in the beginning of the 1980s, he slipped into a depression and gave away most of the contents of his library. Thereafter he contented himself with reading newspapers, poems of Al-Maʿarri, and books on astronomy. The latter of these was his greatest passion, and was what prompted him to name his eldest son Galileo. Yet after some convincing and admonishing based on the pretense that this was an un-Islamic name, he settled for Nagy, contenting himself by writing “Nagy Galileo” in huge letters on the wall of the house.

Unlike his own father, my father did not dispose of his books because of a sudden depression or deterioration in his capacity to read. Rather he did this so because these books could be used as evidence against him in the event he was arrested, and the house was raided. Directives to dispose of these books came down from senior Brotherhood leaders to protect its members. The letters of al-Banna or of Al-Manhaj Al-Haraki Lissira Al-Nabawiya could have been used as irrefutable evidence that my father was a member of a ‘banned organization.’

Thus during slow summer nights in Mansoura, back from our stays in Kuwait, there was nothing to do but read the books of Anis Mansour and Khalid Muhammad Khalid and the plays of Tawfiq al-Hakim. If ever state security forces were to have raided our home and found these books, they would in no way incriminate my father, and thus they were spared from being used as kindling in his ritual campfires. I personally had no need for al-Banna’s writings in order to understand the world of the Muslim Brotherhood, for I lived and breathed it every day of my life.

In Kuwait, just as in Egypt and more than a hundred other countries, the Muslim Brotherhood runs a social welfare network which not only provides for individuals, but entire families. I would attend weekly sessions with other boys who themselves were also from Egyptian families with ties to the Muslim Brotherhood residing in Kuwait.

At that time, the usual program for children my age, aside from reading the Qur’an and becoming acquainted with the Prophetic biography, consisted of regular recreational activities organized over weekends. As a boy suddenly transported from a village on the outskirts of Mansoura to a new environment such as Kuwait, these outings with the Brotherhood youth (or ‘cubs’ as they are known) were filled with adventure and new experiences that helped allay any feelings of homesickness.

Life in Egypt moved to a slightly different rhythm. In our village I was regarded as somewhat special because of my father’s prominent position as a doctor in the Brotherhood. He was a role model for many of the other ‘cubs’, something of which I had not been aware.

Reserved and taciturn by nature, my father spoke little of his past and never spoke at all about anything regarding the Muslim Brotherhood.

He recently told me of his colleagues’ surprise at the hospital, at which he has worked for the past eight years, when they learned only a few months ago that he is a Brother. They only became aware of this after he began attending Doctors Syndicate meetings as one of the Brotherhood’s representative.

My mother was never comfortable with the “Sisters” and felt no urge to take part in Brotherhood activities. Before the revolution, some members of the Brotherhood leadership would coincidentally appear on the news, and she would utter a brief comment, such as, “He was a good friend of your father. They would come to visit and have dinner at your grandmother’s.”

The first thing Brothers in Mansoura and in our village would say upon meeting me was always, “So you are the son of Dr. Nagy Hegazy. You must be proud, God is good!”

Both in Kuwait and Egypt, I always attended private schools, the names of which always included the all-important words ‘Islamic’ and ‘Languages​​.’

The Guidance and Light School, in which I spent my third year of preparatory school after our return from Kuwait, was a Brotherhood school which my father helped establish. Since the 1980s, schooling and educational services had become a key aspect of Brotherhood activities and a means of proselytizing. We followed the same curriculum as the public schools, except that we took two additional courses twice per week; one was entitled ‘The Holy Quran’ and the other was a mixture of Islamic stories and proverbs. The only other change was that Music class was replaced with another class titled ‘Hymns.’

Except for drums and tambourines, musical instruments were banned and discouraged. Flyers and posters hung on the school’s walls warning about the dangers of listening to stringed instruments. The hymns which we were forced to memorize consisted of the most widely known nationalist melodies and songs except any mentions of ‘Egypt’ were replaced with ‘Islam.’ The school was of course populated with the children of local Muslim Brotherhood leaders in addition to other Muslim students of diverse backgrounds.

Only now do I realize that until the age of fourteen, I had never once met a Christian. I was in an exclusive world with its own moral values, worldviews, and perspectives on what it meant to be a good person.

Transitioning from the sheltered Brotherhood schools to the Taha Hussein Public High School was tantamount to setting foot on another planet. For the first time there were Christians in school, and the library contained books other than the standard morning and evening Islamic prayers.

The utopia free of insults and cursing in which Brothers moved about nibbling on siwak1 and smiling warmly seemed far away. With the second intifada I became more active, and despite the fact that I was still in high school, I would attend meetings with the Brothers at university. I crafted the chants which were shouted in unison during the demonstrations following the killing of Muhammad al-Durrah. I had become an integral member of the Brotherhood group at al-Azhar University. Then Haidar Haidar happened.

A Brother brought several copies of the newspaper Elshaab and placed them beside him. Like any other meeting, that day’s session began with one Brother reciting from the Holy Quran, followed by a second interpreting a hadith, and a third explaining an aspect of Islamic jurisprudence. Then the Brother opened the newspaper and read it aloud to the group.

He read that the Egyptian Ministry of Culture had published a novel by the Syrian writer Haidar Haidar. Aside from sexual references, the novel contained heretical insults directed at God and the Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him). In response, preparations for public rallies were made which would protest the publication of the novel and demand it be burned.

Word for word, this is what the Brother demanded, and I instantly objected. At that time I was the group’s writer, and I refused to write any chants which called for the burning of this book or any other book for that matter.

To this day, I do not know what compelled me to take this firm stance.

I showed one of them some excerpts from Haidar Haidar’s novel which were published in Elshaab. From what I read, I found his writings ridiculous, but I insisted that this in no way justified it being burned. I entered into a long discussion with the Brothers which developed into shouting. The argument between me and the group’s leader grew increasingly sharp, and in an angry outburst he forbade me from taking such a stance. The argument grew even more hostile, and he told me, “Either give up these books you read and your stance on them, or do not meet with us!”

I left the room, and never went back.

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Waiel Ashry: The Queen of Brooklyn

I asked them: where is Nancy? They said: we call her the queen of Brooklyn now, master. I said: I asked you where Nancy is, not what you call her now! They said: you master didn’t leave your house in two years and you don’t know that she left after telling us a puzzling sentence, which we considered a sentence of the tenth rank, and it is: “I will go, on foot, you rotten cadavers, to San Francisco, like an echo.” And we sent and received twenty letters in its interpretation, yet none satisfied us.
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Would you explain it to us master, by God, we revere you, and love you pure love in Nancy, and when you were in your seclusion we used to say: would God take away the eyesight of this so greatly revered man so that we may call him the master of the two bounds, so you would be more revered than very-revered like the poet Abu el-Ala`. I said to myself: thank you Nancy! They said: now master, I will go to San Francisco?
What is your interpretation? So it occurred to me that they never understood her, and I was surprised to see that they hadn’t even read her epistle on Cursing Longing to San Francisco. Then, I told them that it was a saying about the unity of existence, as the human is the echo, et
cetera…
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Translated by: Maged Zaher and Waiel Ashry
From Waiel’s new short story collection: The temptation next-to-last of Mr. Anderson
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All those years my friend

All those years my friend since we were born under the wing of the mother goose, the miserable cow, the last general in a Gucci suite. All those years my friend living without a sun, living with eggs, with yellowness of its yolks and the paleness of its shells. And we managed to build high walls of eggs and fuckry to keep the pain away. We built them so high to shelter ourselves from the rotting of authorities, from stagnation of ideas from double standards and lack of values in a society devoured by mites and worms.
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No my friend, the fuckry was not a matter of choice, it is a set menu, you just take it or leave. And the extent of our dreams has always been for the eggings of this fuckry to be suitable for human consumption. And there have always been a Mubarak, a Safwat, an Anas and a Farouq and from their fingertips strings pull and tug
making puppets dance. Some dance to an Islamist tune, some bend to lick army boots. And some are grey and old dancing on a podium in their Rich Man’s club filling the air with preaches about liberal values and civilized dialogue with the others.
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All those years my friend, it took us all those years until we dared to declare ourselves human, statues no more. We declared ourselves human not torn at their bases, not dead with cracked skulls, with sunken eyes like dried oysters, with holes in our bones. But how after all those years my friend the only sound we can voice is the murmur of death.
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At those moments when the streets were filled with monkeys and human children and laughing nobodies, the sentimental fools were bursting in tears of joy in front of cameras. Mubarak was gone, but even then we dared not let happiness in.
Quarter of a century or more; we’ve been building high walls of eggs and indifferent fuckry around our hearts. Quarter of a century we’ve been sweeping emotions under the carpets of our soul because we don’t have time to waste dealing with grief. Now happiness is shut outside and we can’t let it in.
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I had that recurrent dream my friend, it used to visit me every now and then, a dream of empty streets and fog so dense it turns to velvety dew when the sun comes up. And the dew would wash the roads and alleys and dusty trees, it would wash the rusty iron fences and concrete walls and warn out helmets of sleep standing CSF cadets. It washes the lighter in the hand of a police officer and a rosary in the hand of sheikh. The dew leaves glistening pearls on the musty leather slippers on the feet of this who thinks that what he’s scribbling is a constitution. The dew covers everything my friend, everything; even the rotten, the fraudulent, the tyrant, the dictator, the housewives and the Shawerma man. And of everyone’s limbs and organs greens are
sprouting and growing.
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What we are facing today my friend id not a struggle between decrees and regulations of legal or constitutional form, it is not. Neither is it an issue of a withdrawal of a constitutional declaration or adoption of constitution. Nor is it an issue of a farce à la Gheriyani with all its tedious dullness. And most of all let me say the issue is not that Mohamed Elsawy falls asleep while Essam Eleriyan casts his closing speech and Elsawy wakes up just enough to raise his hand on behalf of the church to spit its vote out.
It is beyond all of those who would turn to dust someday. Street cats would stroll between their graves not know how much pain they brought to this world. The issue is way beyond those my friend.
This issue is our lives; what we will do with it and about it my friend? The true struggle is over our lives, for I would like to spend what’s left of it as human and not as a statue. Whereas there’s another who derives his pleasure and self validation out of enforcing his will and controlling others as if they were slaves by passing his constitution. A constitution that gives way to enslavement, a constitution which elevates presidential decrees to
be divine and irreversible in the name of Sharia and ironically “legitimacy”, a constitution that does not deserve its very name.
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We have nothing to lose now my friend. Even worse; we have no more egg shells left for us to build a wall around our little isolated colonies. Even silence or indifference is no longer an option. We either make it as humans or die broken like fallen statues shattered into eighty something million pieces.
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Translated by: Amy Shazly
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What We Can Learn from Alber Saber’s Case

1. Never Call the Police
Alber Saber’s case may seem no different from other religious defamation trials that we have

Samuel Rodriguez

Samuel Rodriguez

come to know about through the media. At the heart of it, however, this is not really a case about religious defamation, but rather is a personal attack during which religion happened to be defamed.

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According to a letter Alber wrote from prison, someone, the name of whom Alber refuses to divulge, impugned him. The provocation began after this unnamed person posted claims online that Alber was the creator of the inflammatory video “The Innocence of Muslims.” This prompted a mob to gather at Alber’s home, yelling insults and throwing objects at the building. As the numbers increased, they tried to break into his house, at which point Alber’s mother called the police, who on their arrival, arrested Alber and not the attackers.
The police in Egypt are a service that work for the benefit of the powerful. All Egyptians know this. Therefore, in cases such as religious defamation, don’t ever call the police. Instead, try to look for protection among neighborhood youth, even if the situation necessitates that you pay them protection money. If Alber had not called the police, but rather had tried to enlist the help of a local gang (baltagiyya) for protection, they would have been able to stop the provocateur and the ordeal would have ended. But, unfortunately, Alber did not take this path, preferring to hold close to ideals and lofty values to the point that he still refuses to divulge the name of the person who sparked the whole incident.
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2. The Egyptian Police are ‘Religion Blind’
It is interesting that the officer who met Alber at the police station was called Mina, a Christian Coptic name. Once the officer discovered that Alber was accused of defaming religion, he took to beating, torturing, and assaulting him in various ways. It is worth noting, however, that had the officer’s name had been, say, Ahmed, Alber’s treatment at the police station would not have differed much.
The Egyptian police force is the only entity in the entire state that does not indulge in confessionalism or have religious leanings regarding its personnel. In the end, the chief of police is always ready to serve the most powerful party. And if bad luck has it that you are a member of the weaker party, then don’t expect to be treated with even a modicum of justice or for that matter according to standard legal procedures; and be ready for the worst if you can’t bribe or curry the favor of the security officer assigned to you.
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3. Equality: The Missing Value in the Egyptian Judicial System
If we take a quick look at Egyptian legislative history with the ushering in of the modern state at the beginning of the 19th century to present day, we will find that stability, the preservation of identity and social values, tranquility, and a dubious co-existence between its constituent groups count as the most important values. Together, these elements make up the foundation of Egypt’s legislation and constitutions.
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Here, we might be able to discern easily this very same point in the current debate surrounding the draft constitution, in so far as popular opinion among the various sides hold that freedom of belief should be limited to the three major monotheistic faiths, or how Sunni Islam should be chosen as the most accurate factor in defining the identity of the state under the pretense of preserving national identity and the values of an upright society.
Thus, it seems only natural that Alber should be arrested and placed in a cell filled with insects and that he should be given food unfit for human consumption, whereas Abu Islam – who announced that he had urinated on and burned the Bible – lives free and appears in television, and continues to curse and verbally attack people. Despite the fact that Alber and Abu Islam face the same accusation, because Abu Islam is a Muslim and Alber is a Christian, the latter gets put behind bars whereas the former is left free as a bird.
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Therefore, there is no way one can have faith in the Egyptian judicial system, especially when it comes to cases on freedom of opinion and expression. It would be a surprise if your own trial were held in front of a judge in whom there still rests some semblance of intelligence or understanding
about justice; but this is only the exception and not the rule. If you were accused one day, don’t ever submit yourself to this rigged system.
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4. Whoever Runs from Battle Is Crushed by the Crowd
It is important that we continue to encourage people to come out for the sake of achieving greater strides in the fight for freedom of belief, freedom of opinion and of expression in the coming constitution, in addition to the abrogation of legislation that limits those laws. But during this battle, we must always remember that laws in Egypt are not worth more than the paper
they’re written on.
The most important element in this battle still hangs in the general social void. It does not make sense, for example, that a miracle has to occur for a judge to declare Alber innocent. The Egyptian press – which claims to be liberal – will still continue its biased coverage against Alber and against freedom of opinion and of belief.
.
The widest field in these battles is society itself. The most egregious nonsense and the ultimate lie is the argument that the battle with Egyptian society should be postponed under the pretext that the political situation is unsuitable, and that battles for and defending cases like Alber
damage the civil society movement and impede political wins.
The political parties that will not defend or stand with Alber, with freedom of expression and freedom of belief, are no different than the other fundamentalist and reactionary parties. If they do not wake up now and stand with Alber, they will be crushed by the swarming crowd of ignorance and rising wave of fascism within the Egyptian judicial establishment and the
Islamist parties.
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The life of Bastards

On a wall facing the police station in Zamalek, one of Cairo’s bourgeois neighborhoods, someone has written:
“The life of an ethical individual is based on following the universal system of ethics, but the life of bastards is based on reversing that universal system.”
Next to this sentence is a huge graffiti of the face of an urban legend known as Al-Haram, ‘The Pyramid’. He is rolling a hash joint between his fingers, and his head is surrounded by a large halo, like a saint.
Al-Haram is classified in some areas as the god of drug dealers, of guile. In sha’bi [working-class] neighborhoods, small icons of Al-Haram are sold, bearing this verse from the Quran: “We have covered them up, so that they cannot see.” Anyone who wears the icon is thus protected by the shadow of Al-Haram from the eyes of police officers, ethical individuals, and the dogs of the universal system of ethics.
But the deep philosophical statement accompanying the graffiti is not one of Al-Haram’s sayings. The author of the quote is not known . . . and why was it used alongside this image?
This was in the period following the events of 25 and 28 January 2011. The walls of Cairo were heaving with thousands of writings and drawings, most of which were political in nature. But the graffiti of Al-Haram, with its enigmatic quote, remained a deep fissure in the harmonious spirit of revolutionary patriotism that blanketed the country at that moment in time.
***
There is more than one world.
To every issue there is more than one angle, more than one layer. In the universal system of ethics there is a preoccupation with democracy, revolution, the dignity of a prophet, barking dogs, debts and loans and states declaring bankruptcy, struggles taking place onscreen and on the news. But we, here, in the world of bastards, are aware that these are delusions, a lying depiction of life.
While they, in the universal system of ethics, speak of the significance of music and literature in the ‘dialogue of civilizations’, we realize that there is no need for this sort of steering from ‘the system’ for literature and music to flow in this direction.
In Egypt over the past few years, the music of bastards has grown in popularity. Known as mahraganat [literally: ‘street festivals’], this new genre combines hip-hop beats with electronic sounds and the voices of its bastard stars. The songs are recorded in houses, in makeshift shacks, in the dim light of back alleys — and the lyrics transgress all the usual systematic and ethical boundaries.
Without needing to be steered, I recently discovered an incredible similarity between this music that was born on the sha’bi backstreets of Cairo, and a type of gang music that is flourishing like crazy in Brazil.

What borders need to be crossed, then?
The real borders don’t lie between two languages or countries with different visa-issuing procedures. The real borders are between two systems:
The first, universal and ethical, imposes stereotypical images of human beings — as individuals and as peoples — then claims they are all human, with equal rights. ‘Love for the greater good’ drives them to a ‘dialogue’ whose foundations are ownership and competition.

The second is the world of bastards, where the individual is complete within him/herself, and draws his freedom and adventurous energy in exploring life from reversing that universal system — not with the aim of demolishing or imploding it, but for that small secret pleasure.

But that secret pleasure is not all. There’s another side to it: as one of the inhabitants of the world of bastards says: In this state there’s no security, your life is a poker game, up and down. When you let a bit of wind blow you back and forth, when you run after your bread or the smell of danger, when you roam around all night without a moment to rest your head against a wall or you feet on the ground, when time — for you — is chance, and place is a stroke of luck . . . at that moment, and that moment alone, you know you’ve become a bastard . . .
But don’t forget: the key to playing poker is courage
The kind of courage that’s not shaken by being outnumbered
The kind of courage without which there is no freedom.
—- ———————- —-

Translated by: Wiam El-Tamami. For crossing border, there is also a Nederlands version

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